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1、 Author：Roland Bardy, Stephen Drew，Tumenta F. Kennedy Nationality：USA，USA，Germany Originate from：Journal of Business Ethics Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011 10.1007/s10551-011-0994-7 外文翻譯 原文1 Foreign Investment and Ethics: How to Contribute to Social Responsibility by Doing Busines

2、s in Less-Developed Countries 1.Introduction Globalization, foreign direct investment (FDI), and trade can potentially bring social, economic, and business benefits to emerging market countries through inflow of capital, knowledge, and increased employment. However, the specific conditions and mec

3、hanisms for this to happen are complex, not well understood, and may depend upon an individual country’s situation. There is a broad stream of research which argues on the one hand that FDI effects can be unpredictable, unintended, and counterproductive (Nunnenkamp 2001; Yamin and Sinkovics 2009), o

4、r even threatening (Dixon et al. 1986; Mengistu 2009). Other authors show a very positive and engaged posture with development issues (Meyer 2004; Ramamurti 2004). There is also an evidence of recent more realistic and critical assessment, probing more deeply into the external effects of internation

5、al business (Ghauri and Yamin 2009). Much research focuses on economic development (for an overview see Moran et al. 2005), and only a few authors deal with social development (Pratt 1991; Donaldson 2001; Kolk and van Tulder 2006; Jamali 2010). However, there are related ethical and social issues th

6、at are often crucial for multinational enterprise (MNE) strategies and long-term success. These include corruption, employment conditions, marketing practices, and effects on the natural environment (Donaldson 1989; Longworth 1998). The impact of such issues on host countries has been investigated b

7、y Glac (2004), Bennett (2002), and Wei (2000). 2.Incentive and Advantage Based Ethics Pre-modern philosophy considered (universal) standards as given. We argue that a different approach which comes closer to relativism and even constructivism is needed in contemporary complex global business. Homa

8、nn (2002) states that in the age of globalization, moral foundations should be based on advantages and incentives, and that ethics is not about following rules, but about developing them, i.e. not about just following rules but setting the rules of the game. With so-called “incentive- and advantage

9、based ethics” (Luetge 2005), the question is not whether altruism or other nonadvantage seeking behaviors are historic anachronisms nor if practice has proven that only self-interested behavior leads to beneficial economic result. There is a long tradition—both in public and academic discourse—of

10、discussing the tension-filled relationship between profit and morality under competitive market circumstances (Hemphill 2004). Often, proof is sought by recurring to a list of moral concerns, which includes environmental pollution, global warming, child labor, human rights violations, the deteriorat

11、ion of social standards like job security, and the fight against corruption. In these instances, and in many more, what for a long time has been looked at as clash between private interest and public interest, is now becoming a collaborative issue. Private business firms seem increasingly willing to

12、 take on the role of corporate citizens by embracing the rights and duties of political actors. They have engaged in rule-finding discourses as well as rule-setting processes in which they actively cooperate with government actors and/or civil society organizations. But what are their motives and th

13、eir incentives, and what is required to encourage the pursuit of ethical behavior? One answer lies with what Boatright (1999) has called the “mistake” on which business ethics often rest. 3.Attracting and Conducting FDI: A Two-Way Street Through FDI, a company not only penetrates a host country’s

14、 market, it may also gain access to resources, economies of scale and scope in production, logistics, and marketing processes. Important markets include supply chains, distribution networks, and end customers. Whether a firm chooses FDI rather than serving foreign markets through exporting, licensin

15、g, alliances, or other means is determined by three factors (Dunning and Lundan 2008). These include: a transferable competitive advantage in the home-market, specific characteristics of the foreign market which allow the firm to exploit its competitive position in that market, and the firm’s abilit

16、y to increase its competitive position by taking advantage of what the host country has to offer for controlling the entire value-chain. All three conditions must be present or FDI may not take place (Dunning and Lundan 2008). The firm-specific advantages which constitute spillover effects of FDI (p

17、roliferation of technology, secondary employment, and enhancement of skills) are often what less-developed countries need for their growth and development. The host country and the investor may focus on the location-specific advantages as factors to entice higher levels of FDI inflows. When the thr

18、ee conditions as stated above are missing then FDI either does not occur or occurs only at very low levels. This explains why some areas of the world, especially the poorest, fail to attract FDI. Although FDI flows to Africa have increased in recent years, these represent only a small portion of the

19、 total flows to developing countries. Average annual FDI flows increased from US $ 2.2 bn. in 1980, to 15 bn. during the period 2000–2004. However, Africa’s share of global flows fell from 2.3% in 1980 to about 1.5% during 2000–2004. As a percentage of total flows to developing countries, Africa’s s

20、hare fell from 10% in 1980 to 7% during 2000–2004 (Cleeve 2009). Local infrastructure, effective macroeconomic policy, and reliable data of possible host nations are decisive in choice of location for foreign firms. These are often lacking in Africa. Knowledge of a country or region is crucial in t

21、he choice of location, and without this, investors may underestimate entrepreneurial opportunities or overestimate risks, pushing such locations to the periphery of the decision-making process. But there are investment opportunities in almost any region of Africa. According to UNCTAD (2011a), Africa

22、 offers the highest return on FDI in the world, far exceeding all other regions. While not yet as competitive as the BRIC countries, the demographics bode well for Africa as a market as more than half its population is under the age of 24. Europe’s population will lose 60 million people by 2050, how

23、ever, Africa will add 900 million. Ironically, Africa’s very poverty creates opportunities: Education; healthcare; infrastructure; banking the unbanked; and middle class aspirational consumer goods etc. (Luiz 2010). Some areas in sub-Saharan Africa still have deficiencies in all these areas, and mor

24、e often than not, the risk profile is heightened by political and institutional instability and unpredictability and high levels of corruption (Ngowi 2001). Investors need reliable information, but too often the official statistics are lacking or unreliable and official sources cannot provide robust

25、 data on markets, business partners, and available labor (Kennedy 2011). Unfortunately, when reliable information is absent, and when all ingredients of a risky environment are present, the vicious cycle of poverty continues. FDI does not take place and the associated possible benefits cannot be e

26、xploited. This is where the instruments of solidarity with the poor and strong transnational institutions have a vital role. The International Development Association (IDA) is a division of the World Bank that helps the world’s poorest countries. IDA complements the World Bank’s other lending arm, t

27、he International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), which serves middle-income countries with capital investment and advisory services. IBRD and IDA share the same staff and evaluate projects with the same rigorous standards. These common standards encourage private investors to follow

28、suit and resolve the informational and infrastructural deficits. 4.Cases from Sub-Saharan Countries In the Republic of South Africa, quite a few investments have been directed at the specifics of this region’s consumers and producers. One of the biggest FDI deals of 2001 was Saudi Oger’s USD180 mi

29、llion investment in Cell C, the new cellular operator. Also in 2001, Malaysian Resources Corporation announced a USD 200million property development. Global Environment Fund acquired forestry assets worth USD150 million billion from Mondi and formed Global Forest Products, signaling its intention to

30、 bid for state-owned forestry assets. These ventures not only contribute to improving the base for follow-up investments that broaden the opportunities for local small businesses, they are also directed toward improving communication throughout rural areas and providing new skills to hitherto unskil

31、led labor (Akinboade et al. 2006). The second case is from Uganda, which in the past was shunned by investors, but has over the past 20 years attracted a significant number of investors mainly in response to the implementation of far-reaching economic and structural reforms. Privatization of state

32、enterprises and the return of confiscated enterprises and properties to the Asians who had been expelled form the country during the Idi Amin dictatorship, have positively affected the attraction of FDI. But a major impact on social development stems from the services sector FDI which has grown rapi

33、dly in Uganda. Typical of this is accounting and computer services, warehousing, transportation and communication, and other services to support the manufacturing sector. In addition, the liberalization of the economy coupled with local demand for services like mobile telephony has attracted investm

34、ents from big players on both the regional and international scene, such as Vodafone and MTN. Another example for positive FDI effects is the agro-business investments in various sub-Saharan states. In recent years, agriculture is being perceived as a sector that not only offers investment opportu

35、nities for the private sector but also a drives local development of agriculture-related industries and the rural nonfarm economy (World Bank 2007). In East Africa, fisheries are an expanding sub-sector due to the presence of some of the largest fresh water lakes in the world. Lake Victoria, half of

36、 which is in Uganda, is the second largest freshwater lake in the world. Similarly, Ghana, Cte d’Ivoire and Cameroon have attracted investments in cocoa processing as a result of suitable agro-climatic conditions for cocoa production. From this type of investments, the low-skilled labor force whic

37、h is employed in subsistence farming purposes is being converted into skilled labor with processed foods gaining prominence in both domestic and global markets. And the primary investments spur follow-ups like the DrumNet project implemented launched by Pride Africa that uses a mobile phone interfac

38、e to link smallholder farmers to banks, farm input suppliers and agricultural buyers.The project’s premise is that information on the market is one of the key elements that keeps farmers from getting the full market value for their products. This lack of information keeps the farmers in a disadvanta

39、geous financial position, making it difficult for them to obtain the financing and resources they need to grow their business. DrumNetprovides marketing, financial, and informational services aimed at stimulating wealth creation and the economic integration of smallholder farmers. To conclude thi

40、s list of examples, reference shall be made to private sector participation in agricultural water development, which has been developing over the last decade in e.g. Kenya, Niger, and Cameroon. Private investment here uses increased technologies for in-field rainwater management for dryland crops, t

41、he objective of which is to increase the effectiveness of rainfall to stabilize and enhance yields. The most promising of these are the various types of conservation farming, including deep tillage, reduced tillage, zero tillage, and various types of planting basins, all of which have been successfu

42、lly demonstrated in many parts of the region, both in the semi-arid and dry sub-humid zones. The results have been impressive, particularly when the technology input has been combined with what is called “Farmers’ Field Schools”. 5.Summary and Trends The current wave of globalization has intensi

43、fied the competition for FDI among developing countries, and all actors share responsibility to make changes in attitudes, policies, and structures (Dupasquier and Osakwe 2005). International organizations, national governments, business, labor, civil society, and the media each have important roles

44、 to play. Opportunistic and short-term ventures driven only by the profit motive are becoming less acceptable, bringing corporations pursuing such strategies into disrepute, and making them targets for a technology-enabled global community of activists and NGOs. Strategies that not only add to busi

45、ness value but also lead to long-term economic and social improvements are increasing in significance. Profit seeking by, e.g., selling luxury goods or high-end eco-tourism destinations to an elite of wealthy customers and using parts of the profit to address social inequality issues, will not be su

46、fficient. Serving the needs of customers at the top of the pyramid is becoming less important than meeting the needs of those at the bottom of the pyramid and the increasing ranks of the middle classes with similar ambitions to their counterparts in developed nations. It also seems the world has sta

47、rted to commit itself to a number of principles and values. Fair globalization means making these values an integral part of the process of global economic integration. This paper has highlighted the complexity and challenges of moving to a more socially responsible vision of capitalism across bord

48、ers. There is a wide body of theoretical and empirical literature on the economic effects of FDI. However, studies addressing the links between cross-border business and ethical considerations are less abundant. This paper describes a growing body of study and evidence relating FDI, ethics, CSR, and

49、 poverty alleviation. We have addressed poverty alleviation as a key question for global ethics and in particular sub-Saharan Africa. 譯文1 國(guó)外投資和道德標(biāo)準(zhǔn): 在欠發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家如何通過(guò)商業(yè)經(jīng)營(yíng)為社會(huì)責(zé)任做出貢獻(xiàn) 1.導(dǎo)言 經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化，外商直接投資(FDI)，和貿(mào)易通過(guò)資本和知識(shí)的流入很可能為新興市場(chǎng)國(guó)家?guī)?lái)社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和商業(yè)利益，增加就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。然而，具體情況和機(jī)制是復(fù)雜的，這種情況的發(fā)生

50、不好理解，可能取決于個(gè)別國(guó)家的情況。有一個(gè)廣泛的研究流派認(rèn)為，F(xiàn)DI的影響是不可預(yù)知的，意想不到的，并且是適得其反(Nunnenkamp 2001；Yamin和Sinkovics 2009)，甚至是威脅性的(迪克森吳昱。1986;Mengistu 2009)。其他學(xué)者則對(duì)發(fā)展問(wèn)題展現(xiàn)出了一種積極參與的姿態(tài)。最近還有一個(gè)更現(xiàn)實(shí)更具批判性的證據(jù)，更深入探討了國(guó)際商務(wù)的外部效應(yīng)（Ghauri和Yamin2009)。很多的研究主要集中于經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展（參考于概述，陳其昕等人2005），而只有少數(shù)著作涉及發(fā)展問(wèn)題(Pratt 1991; Donaldson 2001; Kolk and van Tulder

51、2006; Jamali 2010)。然而，相關(guān)的倫理和社會(huì)問(wèn)題對(duì)跨國(guó)企業(yè)(MNE)的策略和長(zhǎng)期成功來(lái)說(shuō)是至關(guān)重要的。這些問(wèn)題包括腐敗、就業(yè)狀況、營(yíng)銷(xiāo)實(shí)務(wù)、和對(duì)自然環(huán)境的影響(Donaldson 1989; Longworth 1998).這些問(wèn)題對(duì)東道國(guó)的影響已經(jīng)被Glac (2004),，Bennett (2002),，和 Wei (2000)研究過(guò)。 2.激勵(lì)和利益為基礎(chǔ)的倫理道德 近代哲學(xué)認(rèn)為（通用）標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是被給予的。我們認(rèn)為，接近的相對(duì)主義和對(duì)等的建構(gòu)主義的不同方法是被當(dāng)代復(fù)雜的全球經(jīng)濟(jì)所需要。夫曼（2002）指出，在全球化時(shí)代，道德基礎(chǔ)應(yīng)根據(jù)利益和獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)，并認(rèn)為倫理道德不是其次的

52、規(guī)則，但會(huì)隨著發(fā)展，它們不是次要的規(guī)則，而是游戲設(shè)定的規(guī)則。所謂的“激勵(lì)和利益為基礎(chǔ)的倫理道德”（luetge2005），它的問(wèn)題不在于是否利他主義或其他尋求的行為是無(wú)利益的等是過(guò)時(shí)的，也不在于實(shí)踐是否證明只有自利行為才會(huì)導(dǎo)致有益的經(jīng)濟(jì)效果。 有一個(gè)很長(zhǎng)時(shí)間的慣例，包括公共部門(mén)和學(xué)術(shù)論文，關(guān)于討論在市場(chǎng)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)情況下利潤(rùn)和道德的之間緊張的關(guān)系（Hemphill2004）。通常，尋求依據(jù)的方式是通過(guò)一系列的道德問(wèn)題，其中包括環(huán)境污染，全球變暖，童工，侵犯人權(quán)，惡化的社會(huì)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，如工作安全，和反腐敗斗爭(zhēng)。在這些情況下，并在多數(shù)情況下，長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)一直視為私人利益與公共利益之間的沖突，現(xiàn)在成為一個(gè)協(xié)作問(wèn)題

53、。私人公司似乎越來(lái)越愿意去扮演企業(yè)公民的角色，通過(guò)擁抱政治行動(dòng)者的權(quán)利和義務(wù)。他們通過(guò)積極與政府或民間社會(huì)組織合作，來(lái)找尋固有的規(guī)則和潛在的規(guī)則。但什么是他們的動(dòng)機(jī)和獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)，以及什么道德行為是被需要去鼓勵(lì)追求的？一個(gè)答案是關(guān)于博奇特（1999）稱(chēng)之的“錯(cuò)誤”往往是沉睡在商業(yè)道德的。 3.吸引和進(jìn)行外商直接投資：雙向軌道 通過(guò)對(duì)外直接投資，公司不僅滲透東道國(guó)的市場(chǎng)，也可以得到渠道去接觸資源，規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)和范圍經(jīng)濟(jì)在生產(chǎn)，物流，銷(xiāo)售的過(guò)程。重要的市場(chǎng)包括供應(yīng)鏈，分銷(xiāo)網(wǎng)絡(luò)，以及終端客戶(hù)。一個(gè)企業(yè)是選擇對(duì)外直接投資還是通過(guò)國(guó)外市場(chǎng)的出口，許可，聯(lián)盟，或其他手段提供服務(wù)，取決于三個(gè)因素（鄧寧和蘭

54、頓2008）。它們包括：在本土市場(chǎng)轉(zhuǎn)讓的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì)，使公司在市場(chǎng)利用其競(jìng)爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì)的國(guó)外市場(chǎng)的具體特點(diǎn)，以及企業(yè)利用主辦國(guó)所提供的控制整個(gè)價(jià)值鏈來(lái)提高其競(jìng)爭(zhēng)地位的能力。所有這三個(gè)條件必須存在不然外國(guó)直接投資是可能不會(huì)發(fā)生（鄧寧和蘭頓2008）。本公司特有的構(gòu)成外溢效應(yīng)（擴(kuò)散技術(shù)，二次就業(yè)，并提高技能），這些優(yōu)勢(shì)往往是欠發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的成長(zhǎng)和發(fā)展所需要的。東道國(guó)與投資者可能側(cè)重于將特定位置的優(yōu)勢(shì)因素作為吸引更高水平的外國(guó)直接投資流入的因素。 當(dāng)上文所述的這三個(gè)條件不見(jiàn)時(shí)，直接投資就不會(huì)發(fā)生或者只發(fā)生在非常低的水平。這解釋了為什么世界上的一些地區(qū)，特別是貧窮的地區(qū)，無(wú)法吸引外國(guó)直接投資。雖然最近幾年外國(guó)

55、直接投資流入到非洲的數(shù)目在有所增加，這些流入到發(fā)展中國(guó)家的數(shù)目只占一小部分的。平均每年外國(guó)直接投資流量的增加額從1980年的2.2美元增加到2000–2004年的15美元。然而，非洲占全球資金的流動(dòng)量從1980年的2.3%降到2000–2004期間的1.5%。其中流入發(fā)展中國(guó)家的，非洲的份額從1980年的10%下降到2000–2004期間的7%（克里問(wèn)2009）。當(dāng)?shù)氐幕A(chǔ)設(shè)施，有效的宏觀(guān)經(jīng)濟(jì)政策，和可靠可能的東道國(guó)為外國(guó)公司選擇的地點(diǎn)等相關(guān)數(shù)據(jù)，這些都是決定性的?？蛇@些在非洲往往很缺乏。 對(duì)一個(gè)國(guó)家或地區(qū)的了解在地點(diǎn)的選擇是十分重要的，沒(méi)有這一點(diǎn)，投資者可能低估或高估創(chuàng)業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，從

56、而做出推動(dòng)這些地點(diǎn)到其周邊的決策。但在大多數(shù)非洲的任何地區(qū)也是有投資機(jī)會(huì)。根據(jù)聯(lián)合國(guó)貿(mào)易和發(fā)展會(huì)議（2011a），非洲是世界上提供最高回報(bào)的投資地區(qū)，投資回報(bào)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)其他地區(qū)。雖然沒(méi)有金磚四國(guó)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力，但人口是個(gè)好兆頭，非洲作為一個(gè)市場(chǎng)其一半以上的人口是24歲以下的。歐洲的人口到2050年將損失6千萬(wàn)，然而，非洲將增加9億。具有諷刺意味的是，非洲的貧窮創(chuàng)造了機(jī)會(huì)：教育；保?。换A(chǔ)設(shè)施；開(kāi)設(shè)賬戶(hù)的銀行；以及中產(chǎn)階級(jí)期望的消費(fèi)商品等（路易斯2010）。 在所有這些領(lǐng)域，非洲的撒哈拉以南的一些地區(qū)仍有不足之處，而且往往是，加強(qiáng)政治和機(jī)構(gòu)不穩(wěn)定的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)和不可預(yù)測(cè)性和高層次的腐敗（ngowi2

57、001）。投資者需要可靠的信息，但往往官方統(tǒng)計(jì)資料往往缺乏或不可靠，甚至官方無(wú)法提供關(guān)于市場(chǎng)、商業(yè)伙伴和現(xiàn)有的勞動(dòng)力等可靠的數(shù)據(jù)來(lái)源（甘乃迪2011）。不幸的是，目前的情況正是可靠的信息不存在以及所有配套都處于一個(gè)危險(xiǎn)的環(huán)境，貧困的惡性循環(huán)正持續(xù)著。外商直接投資不發(fā)生以及相關(guān)的可能的好處不能被利用。于是，窮人和強(qiáng)大的跨國(guó)機(jī)構(gòu)相互團(tuán)結(jié)在一起，共同促進(jìn)起到非常重要的作用。國(guó)際開(kāi)發(fā)協(xié)會(huì)（開(kāi)發(fā)協(xié)會(huì)）是世界銀行的一個(gè)分支，用來(lái)幫助世界上那些最貧窮的國(guó)家。國(guó)際開(kāi)發(fā)協(xié)會(huì)補(bǔ)充了世界銀行其他貸款機(jī)構(gòu)，創(chuàng)立了為中等收入國(guó)家提供投資資本及咨詢(xún)服務(wù)的國(guó)際復(fù)興開(kāi)發(fā)銀行（世界銀行）。國(guó)際復(fù)興開(kāi)發(fā)銀行和國(guó)際開(kāi)發(fā)協(xié)會(huì)在工作人

58、員和評(píng)估項(xiàng)目以及嚴(yán)格的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)上實(shí)習(xí)共享。這些共同的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，鼓勵(lì)私人投資者跟風(fēng)，以及解決信息和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的不足。 4.撒哈拉以南的非洲國(guó)家案件 在南非共和國(guó)，不少投資已對(duì)準(zhǔn)了這個(gè)地區(qū)的具體消費(fèi)者和生產(chǎn)者。其中一個(gè)最大的外國(guó)直接投資交易是2001年沙特阿拉伯投資的一億八千萬(wàn)美元的Cell C，這是新的劃分操作。也在2001年，馬來(lái)西亞資源公司宣布一項(xiàng)二千萬(wàn)美元的物業(yè)開(kāi)發(fā)。全球環(huán)境基金從蒙迪獲得價(jià)值150億美元的林業(yè)資產(chǎn)并形成全球森林產(chǎn)品，這些表明其有意去競(jìng)購(gòu)國(guó)有的林業(yè)資產(chǎn)。這些企業(yè)不僅有助于提高基地的后續(xù)投資，擴(kuò)大當(dāng)?shù)氐男∑髽I(yè)的機(jī)會(huì)，他們也改善了農(nóng)村地區(qū)的通信，提供了新的技能來(lái)推動(dòng)迄今仍不是很熟

59、練的勞作（阿慶伯格等人，2006）。 第二個(gè)例子是烏干達(dá)，這在過(guò)去是被投資者回避的，但在過(guò)去20年中吸引了大量的投資者，主要是因?yàn)闉醺蛇_(dá)針對(duì)性地實(shí)施了深遠(yuǎn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)和結(jié)構(gòu)改革。國(guó)有企業(yè)私有化和歸還在伊迪阿明獨(dú)裁時(shí)期被逐出該國(guó)的亞洲人的被收的企業(yè)，以及受吸引外商直接投資的積極影響。但在烏干達(dá)主要影響社會(huì)的發(fā)展是源于對(duì)外直接投資的服務(wù)業(yè)迅速增長(zhǎng)。這是典型的支持生產(chǎn)部門(mén)的會(huì)計(jì)和計(jì)算機(jī)服務(wù)，倉(cāng)儲(chǔ)，運(yùn)輸、通信和其他服務(wù)。此外，經(jīng)濟(jì)的自由化伴隨著當(dāng)?shù)胤?wù)的需求，如移動(dòng)電話(huà)已吸引對(duì)區(qū)域和國(guó)際的進(jìn)行投資大玩家，如 沃達(dá)豐和MTN（南非網(wǎng)絡(luò)運(yùn)營(yíng)商）。 另一個(gè)例子積極的對(duì)外直接投資影響是在各個(gè)撒哈拉以南國(guó)

60、家投資的企業(yè)。近年來(lái)，農(nóng)業(yè)是被視為一個(gè)部門(mén)，不僅為私人部門(mén)提供了投資機(jī)會(huì)，也帶動(dòng)了地方農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)業(yè)和農(nóng)村非農(nóng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展（世界銀行，2007）。 在東非，由于存在是世界上存在一些最大的淡水湖泊，從而漁業(yè)成為一個(gè)不斷擴(kuò)大的部門(mén)。其中一半是烏干達(dá)的維多利亞湖，是世界上第二大的淡水湖。同樣，加納，科特迪瓦和喀麥隆因農(nóng)業(yè)氣候條件適宜可可生產(chǎn)以及加工從而吸引投資。這種投資的類(lèi)型，從事生存農(nóng)業(yè)用途的低技術(shù)勞動(dòng)力，在國(guó)內(nèi)和全球市場(chǎng)正越來(lái)越突出地被轉(zhuǎn)化成熟練勞動(dòng)力與食品加工。主要投資刺激的后續(xù)行動(dòng)像DrumNet項(xiàng)目實(shí)施，這些都是非洲的驕傲，使用移動(dòng)電話(huà)接口連接農(nóng)民、銀行、農(nóng)業(yè)投入的供應(yīng)商以及農(nóng)產(chǎn)品的買(mǎi)家。 該項(xiàng)目

61、的前提是，信息在市場(chǎng)中是一個(gè)關(guān)鍵因素，使農(nóng)民得到了充分的市場(chǎng)價(jià)值的產(chǎn)品。這種缺乏信息使農(nóng)民處于不利的財(cái)務(wù)狀況，使他們難以獲取需要資金和資源來(lái)發(fā)展他們的業(yè)務(wù)。DrumNet項(xiàng)目提供市場(chǎng)營(yíng)銷(xiāo)，財(cái)務(wù)和信息服務(wù)，旨在促進(jìn)財(cái)富的創(chuàng)造和小農(nóng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)一體化。 為了推斷這些例子，應(yīng)當(dāng)參考已在過(guò)去十年中參與農(nóng)業(yè)開(kāi)發(fā)的私營(yíng)部門(mén)，如肯尼亞，尼日爾，和喀麥隆。私人投資在這里使用增加領(lǐng)域的雨水來(lái)管理旱地作物的技術(shù)，其目的是提高效率的降雨來(lái)穩(wěn)定和提高產(chǎn)量。這些不同類(lèi)型的保護(hù)性耕作最有前途的包括深翻，減少耕作，免耕，及各類(lèi)種植盆，所有這些在該區(qū)域的許多地方，無(wú)論是在半干旱和亞濕潤(rùn)干旱區(qū)都已成功地表明。結(jié)果是令人印

62、象深刻，特別是當(dāng)技術(shù)的投入與已被稱(chēng)為“農(nóng)民田間學(xué)?！毕嘟Y(jié)合。 5.現(xiàn)狀與趨勢(shì) 對(duì)于在發(fā)展中國(guó)家進(jìn)行的外國(guó)直接投資來(lái)說(shuō)，目前的全球化的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)浪潮愈演愈烈，并且所有的行動(dòng)者在態(tài)度，政策，和組織的改變上一起分擔(dān)責(zé)任（Dupasquier和Osakwe2005）。國(guó)際組織，各國(guó)政府，企業(yè)，勞工，民間社會(huì)和媒體，每個(gè)都發(fā)揮著重要的作用。 只有通過(guò)利潤(rùn)動(dòng)機(jī)驅(qū)動(dòng)的機(jī)會(huì)主義與短期投資越來(lái)越不可接受的，這會(huì)使得企業(yè)追求的戰(zhàn)略是名聲好的，并使他們的目標(biāo)對(duì)準(zhǔn)一個(gè)有技術(shù)能力的活動(dòng)家和非政府組織所在的全球社區(qū)。不僅增加企業(yè)價(jià)值并且同時(shí)也導(dǎo)致長(zhǎng)期的經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)進(jìn)步的戰(zhàn)略，是增加的意義。追求利潤(rùn)的項(xiàng)目，例如，銷(xiāo)

63、售奢侈品或高檔的生態(tài)旅游目的地給一個(gè)富裕的精英客戶(hù)，有或是使用部分利潤(rùn)來(lái)解決社會(huì)不平等問(wèn)題，這都將是不足夠的。在頂部的需要服務(wù)的客戶(hù)比起在底部和越來(lái)越多的行列中具有類(lèi)似的野心的發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的同行顯得越來(lái)越不重要，這似乎也顯示了這個(gè)世界已開(kāi)始表明一些原則和價(jià)值觀(guān)。公平的全球化意味著要使得這些價(jià)值觀(guān)要成為全球經(jīng)濟(jì)一體化的進(jìn)程中一個(gè)組成部分。 本文突出了一個(gè)更大的跨越國(guó)界的資本主義的社會(huì)責(zé)任視野的復(fù)雜性和挑戰(zhàn)性。并有一個(gè)廣泛的理論和實(shí)證文獻(xiàn)用于外國(guó)直接投資的經(jīng)濟(jì)效應(yīng)分析。然而，關(guān)于解決跨國(guó)企業(yè)的商業(yè)和倫理方面之間的聯(lián)系的研究卻較少。本文介紹了一個(gè)不斷成長(zhǎng)的研究和與依據(jù)的框架其中與國(guó)外直接投資，倫理，社會(huì)責(zé)任，和扶貧有關(guān)。我們已經(jīng)解決了根據(jù)全球倫理來(lái)減輕貧困的一個(gè)關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題，特別是在非洲撒哈拉以南的問(wèn)題。 作者：羅蘭德史蒂芬，斯蒂芬，甘乃迪 國(guó)籍：美國(guó)，美國(guó)，德國(guó) 源自：施普林格科學(xué)出版社，商業(yè)倫理雜志2011，10.1007/s10551-011-0994-7 11